The Ghost of of Grover Cleveland roams the White House, spotted first after news confirming the Democratic victory, and again when Robert Gates was hired to replace Donald Rumsfeld. Gates, a Bush 41 intimate, sits on the Iraq Study Group (ISG), co-chaired by none other than Bush 41 Secretary of State James Baker (also WH Chief of Staff in Reagan I & Secretary of the Treasury in Reagan II). In what is already being called the "Baker Regency"--Bush appears poised to default his Iraq policy to the ISG, which is co-chaired by Lee Hamilton, ex-Indiana Democratic Congressman, a moderate; also on the panel is Gates, who was Deputy National Security Adviser (to Bush intimate Brent Scowcroft, Condi Rice's sponsor); Leon Panetta, WH Chief of Staff under Clinton, longtime member of the Democratic Congressional leadership in the 1970s and 1980s; power broker and Clinton "First Buddy"' Vernon Jordan; Clinton Defense Secretary William J. Perry; former Senators Alan Simpson (R-WY) and Chuck Robb (D-VA); Reagan White House Counselor, later Attorney-General Ed Meese; and former Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. Author James Mann, however, has a fine op-ed defending Gates, pointing out his skepticism of Gorbachev in the late 1980s. He does not convince me, but his column merits a read.
Thus Bush Senior (via his confidantes) appears to have taken the reins of his son's Presidency. He becomes the first President returned (if unofficially) to the White House for non-consecutive terms since Grover Cleveland (1885-1889 & 1893-1897). (In one respect, however, neither Bush resembles our 22nd and 24th President, whose Presidential record includes 584 vetoes--414 in his first term alone, compared to 204 vetoes cast by all preceding Presidents--23 Presidents covering 26 terms.)
What makes this of concern is that James Baker's track record includes matters that are hardly reassuring: (1) as Reagan I WH Chief of Staff, Baker was a major promoter of the tax increase passed one year after Reagan's historic 1981 tax cut, thus slowing economic recovery; (2) as Reagan II Treasury Secretary, his cheap dollar policy was a major culprit in the 1987 stock market crash; (3) as Bush I Secretary of State Baker tried to keep the Soviet Union intact, in the sacred name of "preserving stability"; (4) Baker helped rescue Yasser Arafat from exile in Tunisia after the Gulf War, despite Arafat having backed Saddam, leading to the Oslo fiasco and the sustained assault on Israel since. And there is even worse.
Baker was a prime architect of one more mess, rescued from the Memory Hole by WSJ columnist Dan Henninger: He betrayed the Kurds and Shi'a in 1991, after the Gulf War. On Feb. 11, 1991 President Bush called upon the Iraqis to rise up in revolt, asking generals to "take matters into your own hands." They did. And we stood by with over half a million troops while Saddam flew helicopters (in violation of his accord with the coalition) and sent in tanks. That betrayal was long forgotten by most Americans by 2003; it was bitterly remembered in Iraq, especially among the Shi'a in the south, which accounts for much of our difficulty in getting Iraq support. (We did better with the Kurds, because we did belatedly intervene to help them.)
Turning to election specifics: Ironically, as an excellent column by NRO's Rich Lowry shows, the corruption issue seems to have trumped Iraq as the number one reason Republicans got blitzed. However, George Will calls Iraq "arguably the worst foreign-policy disaster in our history"; he likens its political impact to that of Hillary's 1993 health-care plan, which ushered in a Republican majority in the House. The Senate was close: Charles Krauthammer's column likens Bush losing both houses to be the equivalent of a parliamentary vote of "no-confidence"; only 8,942 votes separated the Virginia senatorial candidates, and only 2,847 votes did so in Montana. A Republican win: Gay marriage bans passed in seven of eight states. Michael Barone sees more negotiations between Bush and the Democrats, but fewer with House Republicans, who are marginalized; Senate Republicans, due to the power vested in minorities under Senate rules, will hold some sway.
In a landmark win against liberal activism, Michigan rejected racial preferences 58-42 in a referendum, despite a 5:1 spending edge on the part of the pro-preferences side, and the usual gutter scare tactics. Former U.S. Civil Rights Commissioner Abigail Thernstrom provides details, including the well-kept secret that campuses are "starkly" segregated between the races these days. David Frum notes that unlike the 1974 tidal wave and the 1986 mini-tsunami, this time Democrats who won were moderate to conservative, not the Watergate-era liberals; yet Frum fears that Bush will sign an immigration bill with amnesty in all but name only, and thus enrage the Republican conservative base. NRO judicial maven Ed Whelan, who clerked for Scalia at the Supreme Court, argues that a Democratic Senate might still confirm a Roberts or Alito for a Supreme Court vacancy, as highly visible hearings enable the case for the nominee to reach the public. However,, appellate court nominations--far less visible to the public--will continue to be bottled up by Democrats determined to keep conservatives off the federal bench.
Failure in Iraq, writes Jim Hoagland, was a case of "right vision, wrong policy." David Brooks canvassed policy types in both parties after the election and found common ground: change Iraq policy. He thinks the ISG will recommend regional negotiations. Within Iraq, mass migrations are creating facts on the ground that amount to de facto partition. Both parties want an exit or near-exit by 2008 election-time, with or without democracy. As Bush opposes this--he sees a long-run pro-democracy timeline--the major fight may be between Bush and his own party.
But Bush has lost control over his Iraq policy. The composition of the ISG is truly remarkable: (1) not a single expert with deep knowledge of Iraq or the surrounding area; (2) not a single top-drawer military name, like Barry McCaffrey; (3) mostly a bunch of lawyers. plus four long-serving senior ex-members of Congress. This is a group that will chart a path to victory? Hardly likely. It apparently aims to find a face-saving exit strategy.
Bush staked his Presidency on Iraq; now he has lost his Presidency. His final two years are likely to prove once again that White House residency and a functioning Presidency are not synonyms.