Political scientist Michael Barone sees demographic realignment re-shaping the American polity, with the 2010 Census the first to reflect changes. Barone takes the top 5o metropolitan areas--those with populations of at least one million, that collectively comprise 54 percent of the total 2006 US population--and places them into four main categories, plus two areas separated as outliers. For each area, Barone projects change in seats in the House of Representatives (and, consequently, in associated state Electoral College totals) after the 2010 Census is taken.
Coastal Megalopolises. The 8 largest areas, characterized by modest immigrant growth but slightly greater native outflow, and with a yawning chasm between an affluent upper tier and low-wage laborers forming a stagnant bottom tier. Both tiers vote heavily Democratic. The 8 areas: NY, LA, San Francisco, San Diego, Chicago (coast of Lake Michigan--poetic license on Barone's part), Miami, Washington and Boston. 2010: Ds lose 5 seats.
Interior Boomtowns. 16 metro areas, with moderate immigrant inflow and major in-country domestic inflow. There is no major wealth gap in these areas, and families tend to be traditional ones. This category includes cities like Dallas, Houston, Phoenix, Las Vegas, Austin, San Antonio, Raleigh, Tampa. Orlando and Nashville. Republicans are stronger here. 2010: Rs gain 10 seats.
Rust Belt. 6 metropolitan areas, with small domestic outflow and smaller immigrant inflow. These are doing poorly economically. The 6 are Detroit, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Milwaukee, Buffalo and Rochester. They vote narrowly Democratic. 2010: Ds lose 6 seats.
Static Cities. 18 metropolitan areas. These feature essentially stable population growth, with mixed small inflows and outflows, and with lethargic economies. In the East are areas such as Philadelphia, Providence, Hartford and Baltimore; in the West are Seattle, Denver and Portland; in the Midwest are Minneapolis, St. Louis, Cincinnati, Kansas City, Columbus and Indianapolis; in the South are Norfolk, Memphis, Louisville, Oklahoma City and Birmingham. These areas lean slightly Democratic. 2010: no change given.
Outliers. New Orleans, ravaged by Hurricane Katrina, has lost 25 percent of its population and attracted near-zero immigration. (Barone's figure seems way low here. The true loss is about 50 percent, given by other sources.) The other outlier is Salt Lake City, rapidly growing, but not via inflows and outflows. Rather, in 1950s style, it is dominated by large, traditional family growth--lots of kids. The Big Easy is, of course, Democratic while SLC is Republican to the core. No change projection is offered by Barone.
According to Barone, the rest of the country looks like Static cities, with stable population, but tends sightly Republican. Overall, he envisions a shift from the heavily Democratic Coastal Megalopolises and the Democratic Rust Belt to the Interior Boom areas, which are Republican strongholds. But one area, Barone writes in US News & World Report, where Republicans cannot make a dent is with the young, not even on Social security. Barone believes that this is because the young are highly content, and do not want to worry about retirement or militant Islamists. Sleep is blissful.
2008. But the above trends are for the 2012 Presidential race and after. Meanwhile, there is 2008. Pundit David Frum argues that the Republican 2008 field may be the strongest ever, yet the candidates are floundering and, worse, Republicans are dreamin' of The Return of the Gipper. Dan Henninger agrees that Republicans are in disarray, but attributes this to the essentially non-ideological cast of the American electorate, and says that neither party has a candidate to redefine its agenda into a coherent whole. "The Gipper Returns" might make for a fun movie, but it is not where America's polity is today. Unless Republican voters wake up, Frum warns, disaster looms in 2008.
As I have said on LFTC already, I see 2008 as Dukakis '88, delayed twenty years, courtesy of the epic managerial train-wreck of Dubya's second term: the 2008 election "is not about ideology; it's about competence." Bush's two worst failures, in the eyes of the electorate, are the mess in Iraq and in New Orleans. The Democrats have been mostly irresponsible on Iraq, and the latter is more Louisiana's fault, but voters see Katrina as mostly Bush's mess. That judgment is unfair, but, as JFK famously said, so is life.
Yet Democrats are running more on visceral anger than on competence. Partly this is because their meltdown over Iraq is energizing their efforts. But also it reflects the fact that none of the major Democratic candidates has a resume evincing managerial acumen. The three front-runners are all lawyers with minimal managerial credentials, all three also having run Senatorial staff operations. Hillary has run First Lady staff, Barack Obama has run a state legislative staff, and John Edwards has run a plaintiff's law office. The same is true of Republicans John McCain and (Fred Thompson (not yet formally in, but will decide in June). Peggy Noon has a great column on the smart Internet guerrilla campaign Thompson is running, and the questions that he must answer if he is to formally go for White House gold in the 2008 Presidential Olympics.
But Mitt Romney is a hugely successful venture capitalist, ran a smash success 2002 Winter Olympics and governs a state competently despite facing a legislature controlled by the opposing party. Rudy was NYC's mayor, running a city that during his terms was larger than 42 states. Before that ran the nation's top DA office, the Southern District of New York, which handles many high-profile cases--in Rudy's tenure, it broke the back of the Mafia. If this Daily Telegraph report is true, NYC Mayor Michael Bloomberg is making formal preparations for a White House run as the candidate of the Independence Party. Bloomberg, after a successful stint as a securities trader with top firm Salomon Brothers, went on to build the world's leading market information company (Bloomberg News), and now runs NYC (still larger than 40 states as of the latest Census numbers). He will make his final decision in February, after the two major party candidates emerge. As he is worth over $5 billion Bloomberg can finance a complete Presidential run out of what amounts to petty cash. (One indication Mayor Mike is pondering a run: he has announced a national energy policy for the country to adopt. Mere mayors do not do this.)
So, if Mayor Mike wades in, are the Democrats sure winners? I think not. True, Ross Perot's 19 percent share in 1992 was drawn 2 to 1 from Bush Senior, and cost Bush Sr. the race (Bill Clinton beat Bush 43-38). But Bloomberg is a different kettle of , shall we say, Fulton Fish Market produce. He is a New York City, not a Texas, Republican, whose party affiliation was Democratic until he decided to run for mayor. His top issues, besides competence, are liberal--he authored the health-Nazi smoking ban for NYC, and gun control, hardly an issue that will excite Republicans. He has no national security experience. He lacks the ideological appeal of a Reagan or a Bobby Kennedy, which would be needed to make the election more ideological in tone. He thus seems to be most appealing to liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats, both minority segments of their Party's rosters.
In sum, Bloomberg runs left of all major Republican candidates. If Rudy or Romney wins the Republican nod, their sterling managerial records nullify that asset for Bloomberg. So, if managerial aptitude is a big plus for 2008 candidates, any Democrat looks weaker with Bloomberg in, let alone with Rudy or Romney also running. If Bloomberg draws evenly from both sides his entry is a wash, unless somehow he wins, which is hard to envision. As NYC mayor he should appeal to Democrats more than Republicans. (Rudy is the rare exception that proves the general rule, due to his crime-buster and post-9/11 successes.)
It may be that Hillary is least vulnerable to a Bloomberg run. Her base is solid, as is the group of voters flatly opposed to her. (Her base is growing: she has just been endorsed by porn queen Jenna Jameson, who could considerably liven up the Clinton camp stops.) There will be fewer undecideds if Hillary runs, and Bloomberg might well draw from Republicans more. That is less clear in the event Obama or Edwards are nominated, in that their bases are smaller and are also less secure from poaching. NRO's iconoclastic John Derbyshire places his bet on Al Gore as next President, based on his belief that Hillary's ceiling vote-getting potential is too low, and on Gore's ability to energize the Florida 2000 mess plus his status as leader of the Left's grandest current cause, global warming. Nixon '68, Gore '08. Could be. But a Dem White House win hardly means they will keep Congress. The latest Gallup Poll numbers show that by 64%-33% Americans disapprove of the performance of the new Congress; the 33% approval is 4 points below President Bush's 37%.
In the event, a Rudy-Hilary-Mayor Mike race would be a great advertisement for the Big Apple. It just might make the managerial theme for 2008 not Dukakis, but Frank Sinatra--think My Way plus New York, New York. ("Start spreading the news...I govern my way...I can make it anywhere....")
But the key in 2008 may prove to be, as it was in key 2006 races, a strong turnout of Democratic-voting women. If the "security moms" of 2002 and 2004 do not come out and vote Republican again, 2008 will be a Democratic "Happy Days Are Here Again" election.
Thus, in 2007, Republicans are dreamin' and Democrats are steamin'. Stay tuned.