Dick Morris and spouse (Eileen McGann) identify what they see as Hillary's big blunder: making her experience her campaign theme, when voters are looking for change. They see Hill-Barack as a replay of Nixon-Kennedy. She is rewriting history, too, taking credit for what her husband accomplished. Hill as Tricky Dick is especially appealing, because as a young lawyer she served on the staff of the House Judiciary Committee during the impeachment investigation that ultimately brought Nixon down. Bill Kristol writes that ending the Clinton era in American politics is worth getting a Democratic candidate who will run stronger than Hillary next fall; he reviews recent hardball political tactics that the Clinton's have used against Obama, which Hill presaged Dec. 2, warning that "now the fun part starts." Hillary's idea of kiddie fun must have been setting fire to turtles. Author Sally Bedell Smith writes (in a masterpiece of understatement): "Bill Clinton's mere presence in
the West Wing would be intimidating and complicating. Given his
unrivaled experience and huge personality, it's safe to assume that he
would be no Denis Thatcher, walking two steps behind." No Denis Thatcher, indeed. Denis, a successful businessman, was not known for dating behind Maggie's back. Well, if Bill makes it as First Lug, you can be sure of one thing: There will be no hi-jinks in the Oval Office on Madame President's watch.
Witty Wes Pruden smells the whiff of desperation in Hill's campaign, and in a follow-on column sees Hillary's campaign "cratering." Columnist David Brooks appraises Obama versus Hillary, and concludes that while Hill has been a better senator, with more legislative accomplishments, Obama will be the better campaigner in a close contest. Brooks says that Obama is inner-directed, unlike most politicians, who are insecure and outer-directed. Further, his past statements are consistent with his current campaign. Finally, whereas Hillary is of the school of domestic politics that sees opponents as evil, Obama sees the potential for good and evil in everyone, and thus does not play politics as mortal combat. Brooks concludes, in favor of Obama over Hillary: "The presidency is a bacterium. It finds the open wounds in the people
who hold it. It infects them, and the resulting scandals infect the
presidency and the country. The person with the fewest wounds usually
does best in the White House, and is best for the country." NRO's Noemie Emery finds strong parallels between Hillary and Al Gore in their clumsy, irritating manner, and predicts that like Gore, Hill will fail. A Concord Monitor poll shows Obama passing Hillary (within the error margin) in New Hampshire. Obama has made one misstep, however: It seems that while Oprah drew large crowds, her endorsement cost him support in voter polls. Score on for sensible, post-9/11, voters.
MSNBC's Howard Fineman reports that Hill will probably lose four early contests: Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina. Of complaints coming now from her hubby's campaign crew, Fineman calls that "circular firing squad" behavior, a sign of an imploding campaign. Fineman sees Obama with momentum that easily trumps Hillary's meaningless national poll lead; Obama & Hillary are even in New Hampshire. Hill, for her part, has embarked on a "likability" tour that smacks of the periodic "charm offensive" tours of Soviet leaders during latter stages of the Cold War. It escapes Hill that people who are truly likable do not need likability tours--can you imagine Barack Obama doing one, or John McCain (the latter better liked by voters than by his fellow senators, who have encountered McCain's legendary temper)?
The key for the Democratic outcome is in which primary the 37 percent of New Hampshire voters not declared for either major party decide to vote. Hillary's strength is with registered Democrats; Obama polls at 40 percent with undeclared voters. The Iowa returns will decide in which primary these voters go. If Romney maintains his longtime lead in New Hampshire (much of whose TV market includes Massachusetts stations, making Romney, a former governor of the Bay State, a familiar figure in the Granite State), look for these voters to probably vote in the Democratic contest. So Hill faces an uphill (sorry about that!) climb if she is to win New Hampshire.
Poetic Peggy Noonan sees Hill's campaign as a Potemkin Village, a "queenly procession" to coronation starting in Iowa. Here is Peg's money paragraph:
"This thought occurs that Hillary
Clinton's entire campaign is, and always was, a Potemkin village, a
giant head fake, a haughty facade hollow at the core. That she is
disorganized on the ground in Iowa, taken aback by a challenge to her
invincibility, that she doesn't actually have an A team, that her
advisers have always been chosen more for proven loyalty than talent,
that her supporters don't feel deep affection for her. That she's
scrambling chaotically to catch up, with surrogates saying scuzzy
things about Barack Obama and drug use, and her following up with
apologies that will, as always, keep the story alive. That her
guru-pollster, the almost universally disliked Mark Penn, has,
according to Newsday, become the focus of charges that he has
"mistakenly run Clinton as a de facto incumbent" and that the top
officials on the campaign have never had a real understanding of Iowa."
Michael Barone informs us that the Democrats are running to the left of the races run by the only two Presidents their party has had in forty years. In part this is because, he opines, the median voter was born in 1964, and doesn't recall the stagflation 1970s. The result has been to shrink the share of the electorate receptive to small government ideas.
On the Republican side, PN sees Mike Huckabee's rise as signaling a new intensity in the politics of faith among Christians, and wonders if Ronald Reagan could win today. Charles Krauthammer detects "an overdose of public piety" in the scrap over faith between Huckabee and Mitt Romney. Noting the Constitution's "no religious test" clause (Art. VI, sec. 3), CK distinguishes between religious faith as a factor in forming a candidate's beliefs on issues, which is legitimate free exercise, and putting faith forward as a unique qualifier, which smacks of establishing an official state religion. Wes Pruden sees the faith broadsides as the disingenuous use of "artful apology" to keep the issue alive and festering.
WSJ's Kimberly Strassel interprets Ron Paul's campaign as showing (contra Barone) the continuing resonance of limited government and lower taxes among Republican voters. Morris & McGann opine that the Jan. 15 Michigan primary is "make or break" for Republicans, and that two candidates will emerge as still viable, with Florida (Jan. 29) and Tsunami Tuesday (Feb. 5, 23 states) deciding the Republican contest. They see Huckabee winning Iowa, Romney winning New Hampshire. The winner between them and in Michigan (edge to Romney, with roots there--his dad was governor forty years ago), will face either Rudy or McCain on Jan. 29 & Feb. 5.
Fineman thinks Rudy's love tryst security
situation undercut Rudy badly, and that Romney is toast if he loses
Iowa, where he has lost a big lead. A Daily News poll
shows women voters judging Judi Nathan's affair with Rudy more harshly
than they did Bill & Monica, because they see Judi as a
home-wrecker. NRO's Rich Lowry opines that Rudy is in serious trouble, and unlikely to recover.
John McCain doesn't even get
a mention from Fineman (who will not be, one suspects, presidential
press secretary in a McCain administration). As I write this, Fox Cable is reporting that the latest Rasmussen poll in Iowa shows Huckabee slipping and Romney recovering, with 10-point swings. Huckabee has been in various gun-sights, and his negatives are clearly being driven up. If he loses in Iowa, he could implode quickly. The Concord Monitor poll
re New Hampshire shows Romney with a solid lead over Rudy and McCain,
and no sign of slippage. Rudy, whose Florida poll numbers have
plummeted, putting him behind Romney and Huckabee, gave a major speech Saturday. There is reason
to doubt the Rasmussen poll in Florida, as whether an automated poll
can reach a representative sample of the state's voters can be, and
thus Rudy's advisers profess not to be worried.
NRO's Mona Charen
makes a crisp pitch for Romney, as does this endorsement from the editors of National Review. Stephen Hayes recounts
an Iowa town meeting where he feels Fred Thompson showed that he may be
getting into a higher gear, at last, in reaching Republican primary
voters. Pat Buchnan thinks that the Republican nominee will either be Romney or Huckabee, with McCain having a shot, and Rudy and Fred already toast. But Robert Novak cautions that Huckabee has not wrapped up the Baptist segment of the evangelical vote. The American Spectator's Washington Prowler offers two tantalizing tidbits: Had Thompson entered sooner and embraced conservative immigration policies, Tom Tancredo would have passed the race; and it seems that Huckabee lives on his small pension, his wife's earnings and--get this--speech homoraria paid him by his own company.
A WSJ interview with McCain shows a chipper McCain; pundit Fred Barnes notes
that McCain's chances hinge on winning New Hampshire, where some polls now show
him drawing even with Mitt Romney, unlike the one taken by the Concord Monitor. A WSJ editorial divines a "surge"
in McCain's campaign, which it attributes to the senator's steadfastness
on Iraq, and to Joe Lieberman's crossover endorsement, which should
help in New Hampshire. On Fox Cable, pollster Scott Rasmussen said that as of now it looks as if independent voters in New Hampshire are leaning toward voting in the Democratic primary, which would, if this preference holds, augur well for Obama and ill for McCain, their two preferred candidates.
Which brings us to a more dangerous problem: fakery. Some fakery is relatively harmless, as it fools no one. Hillary saying of herself, "this old girl," amuses, because no one thinks of her as a "girl"; she is, as everyone knows, a tomboy on steroids. John Edwards posing a tribune of the poor contrasts with his trillion-dollar hair coifs and airport-sized living quarters--enjoy William Buckley's dissection of Edward's faux populism. But Mike Huckabee, of genial charm, is another matter. NRO's Rich Lowry wonders
if Republican primary voters are about to commit "Huckacide":
nominating a lightweight with zero foreign policy experience, no
serious staff support and a talent for sound bites, who wears his
religiosity on his sleeve. On ABC, George Will cited Huckabee's having, as Arkansas governor, given more clemencies than his three predecessors combined (one of whom was, of course, Bill Clinton), and also his opposition to school choice, hardly a conservative position. An NRO piece recounts a clemency given to a Huckabee campaign contributer, one that smells. Kimberley Strassel has more on Huckabee's Arkansas ethics during his gubernatorial stint: He was investigated 14 times for violations, and given 5 admonishments. No wonder Democrats are salivating.
Worse, Huckabee now has published his first views on foreign policy, on Foreign Affairs Quarterly's Jan.Feb.'08 issue; a report on what he said does not inspire me, nor does the full-length version. Huckabee accuses the White House of a "bunker mentality" on Iraq, not doing enough to pressure Pakistan, and says that we can contain Iran. The first charge was true for 2004-2006, when the insurgency, and the administration's insistence on pursuing a strategy that was clearly not creating permanently secured areas, was wrecking Iraq policy. It assuredly is not true since 43 launched the surge--in defiance of the Iraq Study (Surrender) Group's December 2006 stinker, and after a decisive "change policy" vote in November gave Congress to the Democrats. The surge has given us a final chance to get a reasonable outcome in Iraq.
Huckabee's Pakistan policy is basically what Barack Obama said, except that Huckabee doesn't advocate sending in more troops. Pressure Pakistan to do more: what an original idea. The question is, of course, how to do that, and until January's parliamentary elections we will not know the lay of the political landscape, which will then suggest what options, if any, we may realistically have. As for containing Iran, which Huckabee says "we might be able to live with," he comes out against putting boots on the ground" there. No one suggests we do so (except perhaps temporarily, in hot pursuit of Iranian forces if they attack us in Western Iraq).
Huckabee was caught by surprise last week, re the NIE on Iran, which he did not learn about until prompted by reporter's questions, to which he answered that he had not been reading the newspapers while campaigning. Apparently, no one on his staff did, either, or they'd have (presumably) briefed him. This hardly gives confidence in his competence, given the monster publicity on the NIE, which upended 43's Iran military options. Worst of all is a cheap shot Huckabee takes on troop levels in Iraq. He reaches back to the prewar sacking of Gen. Eric Shinseki, who said we should send more troops (he was sacked by Rumsfeld), and says this: "I would have met with Shinseki privately and carefully weighed his advice."
Really. Talk about opportunistic shots. Everyone knows we did not have enough troops. Huckabee could have made general reference to that, but to pull Shinseki's name out of the hat and assert that he would, five years ago, have met with him (a claim impossible to disprove), is raw opportunism. Huckabee covers himself, avoiding the "I would have taken his advice" phrasing, an overt fake. Instead, he says that he would have "weighed" Shinseki's counsel--making Huckabee appear thoughtful. He thus makes of himself a retroactive sage, one of life's more fun self-designations. One can be sure that Huckabee had never even heard of Shinseki until well after the first phase of the war.
Stephen Hayes writes that Huckabee also wants to close Guantanamo, end aggressive interrogation techniques, and apply the Golden Rule in foreign policy. This is a non-sequitur, as al-Qaeda scorns reciprocity. In open debate Huckabee acknowledged poverty in Darfur (thanks, Mike!), but said that there is poverty also in the Delta, an answer a liberal Democrat would be proud to give.
Recall the last nominee who did combined the politics of faith loudly trumpeted with zero foreign policy experience, a peanut farmer from Georgia. Alas, he won, and America nearly lost the Cold War. Huckabee may be at the peak of his public reputation, as scrutiny has only become serious in the past few weeks. NRO's Peter Wehner has more on Huckabee's shallow thinking on world affairs. Huckabee counters the charge that he lacks foreign policy credentials by asserting that Ronald Reagan lacked them. This is not true: Reagan's published radio broadcasts include lots of detailed discussions of foreign policy and defense matters, and show a candidate with a keen grasp of both.
So, while Democrats pursue change, which WSJ reporter Gerald Seib says is driving voters to "want to send change roaring through the system like a gale-force wind in 2008," Republicans wrestle with candidate authenticity and illegal immigration: WSJ editor Jason Riley explains why Hispanic voters are furious at Republicans--they now lean 57-23 for Democrats, a 21-point loss for Republicans in the past 18 months. On the Democratic side, Hillary has a million ideas, but, she says, we cannot afford all of them (true), and Barack basks in Oprah's mega-star celebrity halo.
Meanwhile, the New York Post reports that Mayor Michael Bloomberg is contacting consultants as to their availability should Mayor Mike make a third-party bid. Presumably, after Tsunami Tuesday (Feb. 5) the state of the Democratic and Republican fields will be sufficiently clear to enable him to decide if he has enough running room to potentially win. The first day he can register to run as a third-party candidate is Mar. 5, just after the Mar. 4 Texas primary. As a lifelong Democrat who registered Republican solely to have an easier primary race in his bid to succeed Rudy, and who since his re-election conveniently discovered he really is an Independent (as a liberal, he could never get the Republican nod), Hizzoner can run as the "change" candidate. Who better than a political chameleon to promise change? Mayor Moneybags, who makes Mitt Romney's demi-billionaire bankroll look like a pauper's wallet, can finance a billion-dollar campaign with ease.
Bloomie's record as Big Apple Mayor is uneven, with his most notable achievement being continued crime rate reduction; also, he is a solid crisis manager, always good in a chief executive. He strongly pushed education reform, and fought the educrat class on some issues (not others), with mixed results. His worst failure was that he relented, after the obscene three-day transit strike at Christmastime two years ago, and let the union get off mostly scot-free, after a strike that cost the city a billion dollars, forced businesses into bankruptcy and forced commuters to walk in bitterly cold weather. No Reagan he, Bloomie did not decertify the union (as Reagan did with the air-traffic controller union in 1981), and re-hire at reasonable rates, say, two-thirds of the swollen transit worker roster.
It is unlikely, however, that political opponents can make much of what is an essentially local issue, in a national race. Mayor Mike's ideas are mostly liberal Democratic, though, and he may draw more from the Democratic nominee than from the Republican. In an election where neither major party candidate is likely to articulate a clear ideological position, and where the electorate is anxious and fragmented, and with Bloomberg, unlike Perot, being of even, reassuring personal temperament, a third-party candidacy looks more viable than it was in 1992, unless the major parties and their standard-bearers get their collective acts together. The latest USA Today/Gallup poll shows voters disgusted with the President, both parties in Congress, and Washington in general. Figure that Mayor Mike will see these numbers.
George Will sees in this season a replay of the 1970s campaigns, with Nixonian indirect character assassination (Nixon used paralepsis: "I'm not going to talk about my opponent's x, y, or z") plus Carteresque hyper-piety. Will also sees Hillary's experience card as a resume of one bad judgment after another: two failed attorney-general nominations, then the ghastly Janet Reno, who gave us 86 dead at Waco; then kidnapped a 6-year-old child, whose mother had drowned to give him a life in America, and sent him back to a tyranny; and the endless Whitewater mess. Reno also gave us, which Will is too kind to mention, the full-bore "Chinese wall" between law enforcement and intelligence that helped pave the way for 9/11. Hill's one priority was a female A-G--consider 86 dead collateral casualties of gender identity politics. And, of course, there was Hill's health care debacle, which gave the Republicans control of the House for the first time in 40 years. On the Republican side, Will shows that Huckabee is the anti-Reagan, far more divergent from conservatism than Rudy.
WSJ's Dan Henninger laments
the endless 2007 campaign, much of it in Iowa, and is relieved that it
is nearly time to start counting votes. His remedy: repeal campaign
financing laws, which force candidates to spends zillions of hours
raising funds. This is a good idea, for First Amendment reasons as
well. Ex-43 guru Karl Rove suggests longer primaries within a shorter campaign season. Rove points out that in 2000 there were 7 primaries in the five weeks beginning with the Iowa Caucus, but that in 2008 there will be 32 in the same time period. This time around 50 percent of delegates will have been chosen by Feb. 5 and 75 percent by March 4, thresholds reached one and two months earlier, respectively, than in 2000. Rove suggests multi-region primary days spaced far enough apart so that voters around the country have a chance to meet the candidates in person, instead of having such evaluations effectively out-sourced to voters in a few early contests, with media bandwagons rolling for the early victors.
One final note: By now I have seen a passel of XMAS videos from the candidates, from Barack's all-American family, kids chirping at the end--a 21st century "Bill Cosby Show"; to Hillary's incredibly contrived shtik: "Where did I put universal pre-K?"; to Edwards's forgotten folks, who must never be forgotten again, which belongs in a 1930s Depression-era movie; to Huckabee's Christmas scene with the bookshelf shaped like a cross, allegedly a subliminal message (Peggy Noonan thinks so), that exudes holiday sweetness; to a smiling Rudy Giuliani jesting his way ISO a likability booster shot, to John McCain using his tale of a cross drawn in the prison dirt for him by a North Vietnamese captor, concededly more moving than any of the others; to...zzzzzzz Can't one politico give a "Bah, humbug!" message? Such as:
"Hi, I'm running for President, not First Pop, not First Mom, not First Sibling, not First Friend, and not fFrst Santa. Your life--and your Christmas--is your affair. If you want a cuddly candidate, vote for someone else. If you want a war president who can get the job done and not cry on the air, vote for me. I won't make you love me, nor will I send you XMAS cards, but I will keep you alive and in one piece!"
Alas, it will never happen. In all, it's enough to make one look longingly at 2012. or 20011, or will they start the 2012 campaign the day after the 2010 election, or after the 2008 election....
Oh, here is LFTC's own Christmas message for our readers: the 1897 New York Sun editorial entitled "Yes, Virginia, There is a Santa Claus." N.B., Santa is a resident of the North Pole, not Washington, DC.