At noon tomorrow presidential power passes for the 44th time, as it has, peacefully, since 1789. At 220 years distance, the average president serves 5 years--most have served but 4. Of the first 5 presidents, 4 served two terms (only John Adams did not); since then, of 38 presidents, one served 4 (FDR) and 9 (Jackson, Grant, Cleveland, TR, Wilson, Truman, Eisenhower, Reagan, Clinton, Bush 43) served two--with 3 presidents having their second term cut short (Lincoln and McKinley by assassins, Nixon by resignation). So, in all 13 of 43 presidents have served two terms (11 a full 8 years, 2 serving 7--Truman and Teddy Roosevelt having succeeded fallen presidents). Before 1933 and FDR's ascension the country passed through four recognized eras: 1789 - 1828, dominated by the founding generation; 1829 - 1860;, dominated by the rise of the Democratic party 1861- 1896, dominated by the rise of the Republican party; 1897 - 1932, dominated by the apogee of Republican power--strong enough to check Woodrow Wilson on the Versailles Treaty ratification after World War I.
Michael Barone recently wrote that the torch is passing to a new generation (the language is lifted by me, not Barone, from JFK's famous 1961 Inaugural). Barone summarizes a century's political generational changes:
This is the third time in a century that we have seen such a generational change in the White House. From 1933 to 1961, we had presidents born between 1882 and 1890. From 1961 to 1993, we had presidents born between 1908 and 1924. John Kennedy's inauguration marked the departure of the World War II commanders who occupied the White House for 28 years; Bill Clinton's the moving on of the G.I. generation after 32 years. Obama's will mark the passing of the boomers after only 16.
The advantage of a new generation is that it brings fresh ideas and perspectives, a greater sense of possibility and none of the weariness of fighting the same old battles over and over. The disadvantage is that it lacks experience and doesn't know the lessons of the past.
Boomers are an odd lot. The years 1946 -1964 are marked as Boomer years, covering the period between the end of World War II and, coincidentally, the sharp escalation of the Vietnam War by Lyndon Johnson. I like to roughly divide the Boomers into three sub-groups: Old Boomers, born 1946-1951, who came of political age with the JFK assassination; Middle Boomers, born 1952 - 1957, who came of political age during Vietnam and Watergate; and Young Boomers, born 1959 - 1964, who came of political age during the Carter & 1st Reagan terms.
As Barone's classification implies, the OBs & YBs are truly not of the same generation in outlook. For the YBs JFK was a mythical martyr and Camelot a mythical kingdom, Vietnam & Watergate national nightmares that ended before they formed their political outlook. Thus the Boomer era is, in political terms, indeed over.
Clearly, Barack Obama sees himself as standing in the shoes of two predecessors: Lincoln and FDR, facing crises comparable to the Civil War and the Great Depression. Arguably, the threat of WMD equals the Civil War in potential to scar our society; beyond argument, the financial meltdown has led to the worst economic situation, overall, since the 1930s.
What does President Bush say about his two terms? The White House has posted Highlights of Accomplishments and Results (52 pages) + "100 Things Americans May Not Know About the Bush Administration Record" (41 pages). (The second document is more compact; if you like pictures, see the first as well.) On Jan. 12 President Bush held his final press conference (11 pages) and scored a knockout. He answered all queries crisply, defended his record while admitting some major errors, and presented himself as a departing chief executive confident that history will vindicate his presidency. Here is a great sample exchange from the Monday Jan. 12 event:
Q:One of the major objectives that the incoming administration has talked frequently about is restoring America's moral standing in the world. And many of the allies of the new President -- I believe that the President-elect himself has talked about the damage that Gitmo, that harsh interrogation tactics that they consider torture, how going to war in Iraq without a U.N. mandate have damaged America's moral standing in the world. I'm wondering basically what is your reaction to that? Do you think that is that something that the next President needs to worry about?
THE PRESIDENT: I strongly disagree with the assessment that our moral standing has been damaged. It may be damaged amongst some of the elite, but people still understand America stands for freedom, that America is a country that provides such great hope.
You go to Africa, you ask Africans about America's generosity and compassion; go to India, and ask about, you know, America's -- their view of America. Go to China and ask. Now, no question parts of Europe have said that we shouldn't have gone to war in Iraq without a mandate, but those are a few countries. Most countries in Europe listened to what 1441 said, which is disclose, disarm or face serious consequences.
Most people take those words seriously. Now, some countries didn't -- even though they might have voted for the resolution. I disagree with this assessment that, you know, people view America in a dim light. I just don't agree with that. And I understand that Gitmo has created controversies. But when it came time for those countries that were criticizing America to take some of those -- some of those detainees, they weren't willing to help out. And so, you know, I just disagree with the assessment, Mike.
I'll remind -- listen, I tell people, yes, you can try to be popular. In certain quarters in Europe, you can be popular by blaming every Middle Eastern problem on Israel. Or you can be popular by joining the International Criminal Court. I guess I could have been popular by accepting Kyoto, which I felt was a flawed treaty, and proposed something different and more constructive.
And in terms of the decisions that I had made to protect the homeland, I wouldn't worry about popularity. What I would worry about is the Constitution of the United States, and putting plans in place that makes it easier to find out what the enemy is thinking, because all these debates will matter not if there's another attack on the homeland. The question won't be, you know, were you critical of this plan or not; the question is going to be, why didn't you do something?
Do you remember what it was like right after September the 11th around here? In press conferences and opinion pieces and in stories -- that sometimes were news stories and sometimes opinion pieces -- people were saying, how come they didn't see it, how come they didn't connect the dots? Do you remember what the environment was like in Washington? I do. When people were hauled up in front of Congress and members of Congress were asking questions about, how come you didn't know this, that, or the other? And then we start putting policy in place -- legal policy in place to connect the dots, and all of a sudden people were saying, how come you're connecting the dots?
And so, Mike, I've heard all that. I've heard all that. My view is, is that most people around the world, they respect America. And some of them doesn't like me, I understand that -- some of the writers and the, you know, opiners and all that. That's fine, that's part of the deal. But I'm more concerned about the country and our -- how people view the United States. They view us as strong, compassionate people who care deeply about the universality of freedom.
What a grand ending, and what a stark contrast to the pathetic spectacle of Bill Clinton dishing out a passel of outrageous pardons and then at Andrews Air Force Base telling reporters that he, Clinton was "still here and not going away." President Bush will, like his father, depart with dignity. Both followed the Ronald Reagan rule of wearing a coat & tie in the Oval Office. Bush 43, like Bush 41, will keep a public silence about decisions taken by successors.
That stance is, of course, in even starker contrast to America's worst 20th century President & worst ex-President ever, Jimmy Oil, who not only shot off his mouth at the expense of every successor--despite his Presidency having been a disaster--but also conducts his own independent foreign policy. Thus he tried to get allies to stay out of the Bush 41 Gulf War coalition, pre-empted the Clinton administration on North Korea, thus ensuring the survival of the North's nuclear program, validated phony elections in the Palestinian territories, held after Yasir Arafat had killed or intimated rivals, and legitimated a fishy vote count in a recall election, thus saving Hugo Chavez.
What d0 others say of Bush's two terms? A WSJ editorial sees 9/11 having defined Bush 43 and thus his ultimate place in history. George Will offers a characteristically tart appraisal of Bush 43's ups & downs--noteworthy is his inclusion of Bush's signing the McCain - Feingold campaign finance law as abridging core First Amendment freedom of political speech. Rich Lowry tallies ten Bush mistakes that were, he believes, avoidable. Richard Perle assesses Bush's terms in an article well worth a full read. RP says that the bureaucracy simply ignored what the President wanted done, and the President, unable to make it obey, eventually acquiesced in what the bureaucracy desired--most notably at the State Department. Heritage Foundation scholar Peter Brookes grades Bush 43 foreign policy as mostly a success. PB is wrong re North Korea & Lebanon, where Syria still rules, but otherwise pretty much on target. English historian Andrew Roberts sees Bush 43 looking better as time passes (as happened with Harry Truman).
Author Ruth Wisse separates Bush 43 from Clinton: Bush dethroned a dictator (Saddam), while Clinton installed one (Yasir Arafat). Her discussion of Clinton & the ghastly Oslo Accords holds warning lessons for Barack Obama, if he will heed them:
This is not how these events are generally perceived. The image that still looms in the public mind is that of President Clinton, peacemaker, standing between Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin in the Rose Garden on Sept. 13, 1993. With the best intentions, Mr. Clinton had worked hard for this peace agreement and would continue to strive for its success, hosting the head of the Palestine Liberation Organization at the White House more than any other foreign leader.
But the "peace process" almost immediately reversed its stated expectations. Emboldened by his diplomatic victory, Arafat adopted Islamist terminology and openly preached jihad. The casualties suffered by Israel in the years following the Oslo Accords exceeded those of previous decades, and dangers to Israel and the world have increased exponentially ever since. This so-called peace agreement rewarded terrorist methods as fail-safe instruments of modern warfare, and accelerated terrorist attacks on other democratic countries. Though Mr. Clinton did not foresee these consequences, his speech at the signing ceremony betrayed the self-deception on which the agreement was based.
Further, Wisse concludes:
To be fair, Israel's role in this self-deception was, if anything, even greater. The Oslo Accords made Israel the first country in history ever to arm its enemy with the expectation of gaining security. The burden of soldiering in a defensive war for the "right to exist" -- which ought to have been theirs from the outset -- understandably saps the morale of Israelis. In this case, it also undermined their common sense.
The Oslo "peace accord" made the world more dangerous and subjected Palestinian Arabs to a rule of violence, corruption and intimidation. Arafat's dictatorship has since been outmatched by an even more brutal Hamas regime that serves as the terrorist outpost of Iran. President Bush's military intervention, by contrast, destroyed a terrorist state and made the world safer for its citizens.
My summary appraisal of President Bush 43's two terms. BIGGEST PLUSES: (1) No terror attack on US soil since 9/11; (2) Surge that saved Iraq from al-Qaeda + Iran; (3) Appointing lots of judges who will apply, not invent by revision, the law; (4) Taking advantage of a strategic opening to establish good relations with India, a rising mega-power; (5) Massive AIDs & malaria effort in Africa. BIGGEST MINUSES: (1) Intel failure re Iraqi WMD & detection of insurgency; (2) Over-socialization of US economy during financial meltdown; (3) Serial, massive managerial failures; (4) Abject failure to control spending in his term's first seven years; (5) Communications breakdown with public & press. Having written on all these topics before, I will not, given time constraints, repeat my detailed analyses here.
I specifically excluded two oft-cited flaws: Detention policy, partly because many of the criticisms of it are simply not true, and partly because no one could reasonably have foreseen that the Supreme Court would aggressively make new law for the benefit of unlawful combatant foreign terrorists held on foreign soil, by manipulating legal definitions and precedents.
I also omitted the flawed federal response to Hurricane Katrina--not for the reason President Bush gave at his last press conference, defending in part the federal response, but because the idiot Governor of Louisiana (Kathleen Blanco) who waited until 5 days after Katrina made landfall to declare a state of emergency was the major reason for the disaster. (Bobby Jindal, by contrast to his catatonic predecessor, declared a state of emergency re Hurricane Gustav last fall 5 days in advance of the storm's making landfall.)
Special Kudos. President Bush ran the finest, most cooperative transition ever, once again in stark contrast to the disgraceful transition by Clinton staffers, who trashed White House computers, offices, etc. in 2001.
Special "Worst" if not done before noon, Jan. 20: No Final Presidential Pardons. Because this appraisal "goes to press" before 43's final hours, it is still possible he will do the right thing and pardon all those who served honorably in the war effort and acted in good faith on what they believed to be sound legal advice--including former top Cheney aide Scooter Libby, whose legal mugging shows what a wrecking ball our legal system can be. Interrogators should not have to "lawyer up" and bankrupt themselves trying to stay out of jail for relying on legal advice subsequently declared invalid by successor Justice Department attorneys or federal courts. If, as it looks still, President Bush "throws under the bus" these people, it will be his worst moment of all--worse than the Iraq intel failure, as every major intel agency in the world was saying the same thing of Saddam's still possessing WMD. This call is Bush's alone. He should make it and prove my foreboding wrong, pardoning everyone save those guilty of clearly violating policy and committing obvious crimes--like murder, not like waterboarding. 43 should have done this in his farewell address and talked about 9/11 shaping his presidency for better and worse, leaving all else aside. Alas, he did not do so last Thursday.
Failure to do this will make the new CIA motto once again that of Monsieur Rick: "I stick my neck out for nobody." That motto in the 1990s led led to a Justice Department policy of never submitting wiretap requests that held any chance of yielding court disapproval, and of not taking any chance of breaching the "wall" between law enforcement and intelligence gathering which the 9/11 Commission found to be a prime factor in our failure to see clearly the full gravity of the threat Islamist terror posed to our homeland. Sunday, House Speker Nancy Pelosi told Fox News Sunday that she remains "open" to possible prosecution of Bush 43 officials and that it is not up to Democrats to say: "It doesn't matter anymore." Dubya, it's still not too late!
Bottom Line. Above all, Bush 43's Presidency was a hugely eventful and hence highly consequential tenure. It will take decades to evaluate its true standing. He once said that he did not come to Washington to "play small ball" and he was true to his word. His immediate predecessor, Bill Clinton, traded influence for popularity--passing up a chance to reform domestic entitlements in favor of mere political benefit. No one can accuse--at least, not plausibly--George W. Bush of doing the same. Here is his Jan. 15 farewell address (3 pages) to the nation.
"W", ride off into the Presidential sunset with head held high. You did your best every day to defend America under crushing loads of stress caused by numerous grave threats. Your Presidency will be remembered favorably by some and unfavorably by others, but remembered as a memorable, serious Presidency by all of serious mind. Good luck in a long and happy retirement to you and the entire Bush clan.