The June 16 letter from Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei warns against violent suppression of peaceful protests, and declares such actions contrary to true Islam--for which violators will answer, if not in this world, in the next. But for a revolution to succeed, there is one sine qua non: At least some of those armed with guns must side with the revolutionaries. A tragic truth proven throughout human history is that an armed, ruthless minority can indefinitely tyrannize an unarmed, peaceful majority. It is that brutally simple. Many millions of Iranians hate and fear their clerical fascist regime, and desperately desire change. The guns can come in the form of outside intervention, as America, Britain & Australia came in 2003 to liberate Iraq from Saddam's Stalinist Hell. Or they can be raised within by the defection of military and police units, as happened in Romania in 1989, toppling Nicole Ceauscescu's Stalinist state. It was also in 1989 that the converse case was demonstrated, when regular army units perpetrated the massacre in Tiananmen Square, ending the Chinese student spring.
A subsidiary reality is that defections from the regime to the revolution generally come from ordinary units. Special troops, like the Romanian Securitate--the equivalent of Nazi Germany's SS--fight either to the finish or switch only when the regime's downfall appears certain. Thus, Iran's Basij unit, which unleashed much of the violence directed at protesters, would clearly remain loyal to the regime. Only a switch by the powerful Pasdaran--Iran Revolutionary Guard (of which Basij is one unit--the Basiji are, basically, the Iranian equivalent of Nazi SS) or major segments of Iran's regular military could win the day. The IRG is controlled by Iran's wealthiest, most powerful secular politician, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a former President.
Rafsanjani briefly sided with the protesters after the Miracle of the Abacuses vote count, then returned to the regime's side by the time of the Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's Friday sermon. But Sunday came a CNN report that five members of Rafsanjani's family had been arrested, allegedly for participating in demonstrations; they were freed Monday. The more fissures emerge in Iran's key security apparatus, the better is the chance for real change.
Mideast maven & ex-CIA-er Reuel Marc Gerecht says that the June 12 Revolution marks a watershed in the Mideast:
It's not difficult to foresee the Islamic Republic spiritually unraveling. If it does, the most important experiment of Islamist ideology since the birth of the Muslim Brotherhood will have proven itself--to its own people, to the clerical guardians of the faith, and to the world--a -failure. Unless Mousavi withdraws and leads his followers in a renewed quietist retreat, the Islamic revolution, which shook the Muslim world 30 years ago, will now become either a real laboratory of democracy or a crude and violent dictatorship that might rival the Baathist regimes of Iraq and Syria in its savagery. Either outcome would be momentous.
RMG cautions, however, that Iran's nuclear program will likely survive the fall of its clerical fascist regime:
It's a pity that President Obama has trapped himself in a doomed outreach to Khamenei. Even if Mousavi wins the present tug-of-war, he'll probably support Iran's continued development of nuclear weapons. He was in office when the Islamic Republic first became serious about building the bomb; his powerful backer, Rafsanjani, is the true father of the nuclear program; and there is little reason why Mousavi would want to anger a pro-nuclear Revolutionary Guard Corps that had refrained from downing him.
But for there to be any chance that Iran will cease and desist from its nuclear quest, Mousavi must win the present struggle. If Ahmadinejad and Khamenei triumph, they will not relent. For them, and for the Revolutionary Guard behind them, nuclear weapons are the means to become global players and secure the power they can no longer confidently draw from their own people. Triumphant, the Revolutionary Guard, who have overseen all of the Islamic Republic's outreach efforts to Arab extremists like Hamas and Hezbollah, will surely get nastier abroad as they become more vicious at home.
The principal issue right now inside Iran isn't the nuclear question. It's what it has been since Khomeini died: How do you escape from a religious revolution? Mousavi might, just might, have an answer. Even if he is not our friend--and turns out to be in many ways our enemy--we should all pray that he wins. President Obama would do well to be just a bit more forceful in defending democracy for a people who must surely have earned his respect. Iranians will forgive the president his "meddling." He does carry, after all, the name of the man--Hussein, the prophet's grandson--who long ago defined Shiism's boundless admiration for those who defend their people and their faith from tyranny.
The New York Times reports that the authorities--elections are run by Iran's 12-member Governing Council--now admit "discrepancies" in 3 million votes, including places where there were more votes counted than voters registered. Christine Amanpour reported that protesters were shouting, "Mousavi, Mousavi, get my vote back for me!"
CNN reporter Ivan Watson, who spent time in Iran explained in detail on Sunday morning how the Basij operate. They are in mufti, not uniform. They are Islamist zealots. They accost people in the streets and attack with chains, clubs, whatever, without any effort to find out if, for example, a boy & girl walking together are dating or merely siblings. During the Iran-Iraq War they are the types who volunteered to walk into minefields. Watson described reports from Tehran on the role women have been playing, urging the men on, calling those who hesitated cowards, and yelling "You bastards!" at Basiji clubbing a woman.
Ex-Bush 43 State Department officials Dan Senor & Christian Whiton refute Team Obama's mantra that outside criticism is counterproductive:
As for the notion that American silence is unhelpful to reformers, this simply contradicts historical experience. Successful movements to alter authoritarian and totalitarian regimes almost always depend on internal dissent backed by strong international support. Those key factors are often required to get a regime's enablers — including domestic security forces — to lose confidence and eventually succumb.
Time and again and around the world — from as recently as Tibet in 2008, to Egypt in 2005, to Tiananmen in 1989 — the prospects of reform dim considerably without international support. In fact, we know of no modern democratic evolution or revolution that has succeeded without some support and pressure from the west.
Most famous was the demise of the Eastern Bloc and then the Soviet Union itself, which came on the heels of years of sustained U.S.-led international pressure. Another example is South Korea, where energetic bipartisan U.S. pressure peaked in 1987 when U.S. ambassador Jim Lilley hand delivered a letter from President Reagan urging against a crackdown on protesters. The advice was heeded. Two weeks later the protesters' demands were met, and Korean democracy was born.
Washington Post pundit Jim Hoagland sees Team Obama caught by surprise re Iran:
The most serious challenge that Iran's Islamic rulers have faced in their 30 years in power caught President Obama and many European leaders by surprise. Their intelligence agencies did little to prepare them for a national catharsis that now pits a combustible mixture of youthful, idealistic protesters and older political opportunists against Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
By threatening and then delivering repression blessed by his religious authority, Khamenei has turned an election dispute into a crisis of legitimacy for a regime that claims to be divinely inspired. Obama's decision to stay out of the limelight in responding to the protests is paying off in the sense of keeping the focus on those who cheat and maim Iranians.
But the president and his advisers still have not adjusted policies and tactics being overtaken by events. This is clear both from the initial "caught in the headlights" reaction by Obama as he temporized -- albeit with steely skill -- and from accounts of diplomatic and other official sources here.
The administration's own words suggest that Obama is trapped in a political version of the theory of relativity -- that he moves along a predetermined course that prevents him from seeing the new situation exactly as it occurs. He clings to pre-election ideas and assumptions, acting above all to keep alive the chances for a nuclear deal with any government that sits in Tehran.
Here is the text of the resolution on Iran passed by the House of Representatives Friday:
The House of Representatives expresses its support for all Iranian citizens who embrace the values of freedom, human rights, civil liberties, and the rule of law; condemns the ongoing violence against demonstrators by the government of Iran and pro-government militias, as well as the ongoing government suppression of independent electronic communication through interference with the Internet and cell phones; and affirms the universality of individual rights and the importance of democratic and fair elections.
The resolution passed 405-1, with one GOP Member (libertarian Ron Paul) voting against, and two Democrats voting "present." Jed Babbin of Human Events provides more context on the House vote. At John McCain's website was a joint statement by Big Mac & Joe Lieberman, upon the voice vote passage of a Senate resolution on Iran.
Senator Lugar said Sunday on CNN State of the Union that the fact that the Iranian regime blames Britain, France & Germany (and the USA) for the protests will backfire, and could lead to a change in Western policy towards the regime. Senator Robert Casey (D-PA) suggested sanctions might be imposed on refined oil products, and defended President Obama as having struck the right balance. Liberal pundit E. J. Dionne resolves what he calls a liberal dilemma--hating repression of democracy while pining for negotiations with a tyrannical regime--by calling upon Team Obama to show more resolute support for freedom and change. Dionne laments that conservatives see this one as an easy call:
For Obama's critics, this one is a no-brainer. Their counsel: Stand tall for freedom and human rights, trash the repressive mullahs, and let the chips fall. If the opposition wins, everybody wins. If the regime cracks down and manages to survive, engagement is dead. That, from the point of view of Obama's critics, is win-win.
The Wall Street Journal editors see Iran's vicious crackdown and rejection of friendly American overtures for negotiation--along with North Korea's belligerence--serving as a wake-up call for our new President:
Going forward, Mr. Obama will have to consider that any negotiations with the current government will lend it legitimacy at the expense of the Iranian people. That would be precisely the kind of "meddling" in Iran's politics that Mr. Obama says he wants to avoid. Opposition leader Mir Hussein Mousavi might not take any less a hard line on Iran's nuclear program than the current government, but he does now represent the aspirations of millions of Iranians. And there is even less chance that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Ayatollah Khamenei will bend on nukes now that nationalism and thuggish power are their main claims to legitimacy.
Focused as he is on domestic matters, Mr. Obama no doubt wishes he could return to his campaign illusions about the powers of diplomacy. But the world's rogues have other priorities, and stopping them will take more than an extended handshake.
Mideast expert Fouad Ajami sees 44 getting a "Persian tutorial" out of events since June 12:
President Barack Obama did not "lose" Iran. This is not a Jimmy Carter moment. But the foreign-policy education of America's 44th president has just begun. Hitherto, he had been cavalier about other lands, he had trusted in his own biography as a bridge to distant peoples, he had believed he could talk rogues and ideologues out of deeply held beliefs. His predecessor had drawn lines in the sand. He would look past them.
Thus a man who had been uneasy with his middle name (Hussein) during the presidential campaign would descend on Ankara and Cairo, inserting himself in a raging civil war over Islam itself. An Iranian theocratic regime had launched a bid for dominion in its region; Mr. Obama offered it an olive branch and waited for it to "unclench" its fist.
The tutorial, Ajami writes, will continue, including as to 44's Cairo pretensions:
Mr. Obama's June 4 speech in Cairo did not reshape the Islamic landscape. I was in Saudi Arabia when Mr. Obama traveled to Riyadh and Cairo. The earth did not move, life went on as usual. There were countless people puzzled by the presumption of the entire exercise, an outsider walking into sacred matters of their faith. In Saudi Arabia, and in the Arabic commentaries of other lands, there was unease that so complicated an ideological and cultural terrain could be approached with such ease and haste.
Bottom Line. The guns have yet to shift--and, in the end, may not do so, allowing the regime to survive. But Iran, on the fair evidence of it, will never be the same. The clerical tyranny has lost legitimacy. The failure of President Obama to strongly condemn violence by the
regime relieves the regime of some political cost of cracking down; a
more resolute posture could, by raising the political stakes, induce
the regime to hesitate, giving the protest time to broaden into a
revolution. And regarding outside interference, the idea that a despotic regime needs a pretext given them from abroad to crack down at home is unsupported by evidence. Team Obama is right not to directly urge revolution. But business-as-usual would undercut the forces favoring revolution gathering now in Iran. An end to the ghastly theocracy established by the Ayatollah Khomeini 30 years ago--whose aim, its leader declared, is to turn the clock back 1,400 years, literally--would be a huge win for freedom in a modernizing Mideast.